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Economy U.S.

Trump’s lie to Canada’s prime minister about trade suggests disregard for the U.S. economy

At a fundraising dinner last Wednesday, President Trump boasted to supporters that he told Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada that the U.S. ran a trade deficit with his country without knowing whether the assertion was true.

It’s not. Though news coverage of the incident focused on the fabrication, the lie, which by now one expects from Trump, also shows that the president cherry picks the trade that he recognizes. And in the calculus of Trump, goods trump services.

As it happens, the U.S. runs a trade surplus with Canada. On the whole, Canadians buy more from us than we buy from them. Though Americans  purchase more goods – think vehicles, machinery and plastics – from Canadians than they buy from us, they buy more services, including software, movies and travel, than Americans buy from them.

Our goods trade deficit with Canada was $12.1 billion in 2016, but our trade surplus with our neighbor to the north was $24.6 billion, according to the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative.

A similar dynamic holds for China, which Trump also likes to jawbone about trade. As I’ve noted previously, the U.S. imports more goods from China than it exports, but it exports more services to China than it imports. The difference was $37 billion in 2016, up 12.3% from year earlier.

To be sure, the deficits in goods are real. But for Trump, the hammering on trade deficits – regardless of facts – plays to a political base in the Rust Belt, where, apparently, the president has concluded he needs to shore up his base in the hope of reelection.

But the focus disregards the economic well-being of millions of Americans elsewhere. And it’s not just in the so-called blue states such as California or New York that house many of the software, entertainment and financial firms that trade in services.

Canada represents the largest export market for U.S. agriculture. Senator Pat Roberts, a Kansas Republican who chairs the Senate Agriculture Committee, says Trump’s proposed tariffs and threats to abrogate the North American Free Trade Agreement show a preference for the Rust Belt over the Farm Belt. “I think he’s looking at the Rust Belt primarily,” Roberts told Bloomberg.

Categories
News

Trump cedes US leadership on trade

The leaders of the world’s two largest economies each presented their views in a pair of speeches on Friday that highlight the extent to which the U.S. in the Trump presidency is ceding leadership in trade.

President Xi Jinping of China, the world’s second-largest economy, discussed climate change, globalization, multilateralism and connectivity in an address on Friday to leaders of 21 countries who gathered in Vietnam for the annual meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Council.

He spoke minutes after President Trump, who talked mostly about America and the indignities he contends it has suffered at the hands of trading partners.

Xi spoke of connection. “This is a new journey toward greater integration with the world and an open economy of higher standards,” he said. “We should uphold multilateralism, pursue shared growth through consultation and collaboration, forge closer partnerships, and build a community with a shared future for mankind.”

Trump listed grievances. He accused China of stealing intellectual property, muscling out private enterprise, hacking into the computer systems of U.S. companies, competing unfairly and failing to open markets for goods and services. “We are not going to let the United States be taken advantage of anymore,” Trump told the gathering.

Xi used the words “shared” and “community” eight times apiece. He used the word “open” 18 times, three times more than Trump, who used the word “community” once. Twice Xi mentioned “climate change,” which Trump never uttered.

The stance marked a turnabout from a day earlier in Beijing, where Trump flattered Xi and blamed his American predecessors for the imbalance in trade between the two countries.

Trump tends to talk tough when surrounded by the press. Alone with his fellow leaders, it seems, is another story. After meeting on the sidelines of the summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Trump told reporters that he believed assurances by Putin that Russia “did not meddle in our election.”

Though Trump later appeared to walk back the suggestion that he placed more stock in the assurances of the former head of the KGB than he does in a determination by U.S. intelligence agencies that Russia interfered in the election, the exchanges with both Putin and Xi suggest struggles by the self-proclaimed dealmaker to hold his own with counterparts.

Xi talked of China’s Belt and Road initiative, as part of which the country has pledged to spend more $1 trillion to build infrastructure across Asia, Africa and Europe over the next decade. As Anja Manuel, a former adviser to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, noted recently in the Atlantic:

According to the CIA, 92 countries counted China as their largest exports or imports partner in 2015, far more than the United States at 57. What’s most astounding is the speed with which China achieved this. While the country was the world’s largest recipient of World Bank and Asian Development Bank loans in the 1980s and 90s, in recent years, China alone loaned more to developing countries than did the World Bank.

One result: There are now more than 10,000 Chinese firms (most privately owned) operating in Africa, up from 2,500 a decade ago, according to research by McKinsey & Co. Visit South Africa, to name one destination for Chinese investment, and you’ll see the evidence at construction sites and shops all around you.

At APEC, 11 nations, including Australia, Japan, Mexico and Canada, said they had achieved significant progress toward a revised trans-Pacific trade pact, which Trump withdrew from in March. America “has lost its leadership role,” Jayant Menon, an economist at the Asian Development Bank, told the Times. “And China is quickly replacing it.”

Which leaves the question how the smallness of the vision expressed by Trump helps the people who voted for him, particularly those in areas of the Midwest and Northeast that have experienced the trauma of the loss of jobs in manufacturing.

The U.S. imports more goods from China than it exports. The difference stood at $347 billion in 2016, a decrease of 5.5% from a year earlier. But the U.S. exports more services to China than it imports. The difference was $37 billion in 2016, up 12.3% from year earlier.

The surplus in services represents demand in China for such American exports as logistics, software, financial know-how and tickets to movies made in Hollywood. It reflects visits to the U.S. by people from China, and students who come to the U.S. from China to study.

“If our trade deficit for goods is somehow related to unfair trade practices, then how does Trump explain America’s large and growing surpluses for services,” Mark Perry, a professor of economics at the University of Michigan, told the South China Morning Post in May.

Trump doesn’t say much about that surplus. Nor does he put forth or embrace efforts to bring college-educated graduates to Rust Belt cities that might benefit from an influx of productivity and capital.

Writing recently in the Harvard Political Review, Henry Sullivan Atkins cited the payoff in Pittsburgh of efforts to transform an economy that once relied on heavy manufacturing.

According to Atkins, “Pittsburgh offers a textbook example of successfully attracting these college-educated adults:  The number of city residents aged twenty-five and older with a college degree skyrocketed by 37.3 percent from 2000 to 2013.

Over roughly the same period, productivity among workers in the Pittsburgh region rose 10 percent, average annual wages increased 9 percent and the overall standard of living rose 13 percent.

“This demographic sea change didn’t occur in a vacuum; rather, it was the result of a series of careful policymaking decisions that came from the city,” Atkins writes. “Firstly, the city invested in providing a top-notch education for its residents, collaborating with Carnegie Mellon and the University of Pittsburgh to transform Pittsburgh from the Steel City of the 1980s into a STEM juggernaut in fields like computing, robotics and biotechnology.”

In September, Trump directed the Department of Education to invest $200 million toward the teaching of science, technology, engineering and math in public schools. Tech giants, including Amazon, Facebook, Google and Microsoft, added $300 million to the push.

“Where that money will be pulled from remains to be seen, but with around just 40 percent of schools currently teaching computer programming, it would be good if this push had some success,” noted Mallory Locklear for Engadget.

Credit Trump for jump-starting a partnership with potential for payoff in the form of college graduates, skills and jobs. Leadership takes a thousand such acts (and the investments that accompany them), but the approach hints at a way forward for the U.S. that has nothing to do with withdrawing from a world that has moved on.

Categories
Law

Making sense of trade deals

Over this Memorial Day weekend, I’ve tried to learn a bit about the recent debate over trade, including legislation that would authorize President Obama and his successor to negotiate trade agreements without the prospect of the deals being dismantled by Congress.

The issue arises most recently in connection with the so-called Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a regional free-trade pact being negotiated among 12 countries: the U.S., Australia, Brunei, Japan, Canada, Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, Vietnam and, possibly, South Korea and Taiwan. (Note that the U.S. currently has trade agreements with Australia, Chile, Peru and Singapore.)

One hears a great deal of wrangling over trade. Do the pacts strengthen the U.S. economy and add jobs, as supporters say, or send jobs overseas and threaten the environment, as opponents charge? I knew little about the subject so I set out to learn more.

What the Senate passed on Saturday

The Senate approved a measure on Saturday that would grant the president trade-promotion authority (TPA)—sometimes referred to as fast track—by a vote of 62 to 37. The bill now goes to the House of Representatives, which is expected to debate the measure as early as next month.

TPA outlines a series of procedures for moving trade legislation through Congress. Such legislation, which Congress first passed in 1974, limits legislative debate on trade deals the president negotiates. Because Congress cannot amend such deals, both the House and Senates must vote either up or down on trade pacts, which means the deals can pass with a simple majority (as opposed to the two-thirds majority needed to bring up legislation for a vote in the Senate).

In essence, TPA is a compact between the executive and legislative branches that reconciles powers the Constitution grants to both Congress and the president with respect to trade. Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution gives Congress the power to “regulate commerce with foreign nations… ” and to “lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises… ” Though the Constitution gives the president no explicit authority over trade, Article II authorizes the president to negotiate treaties and international agreements.

TPA empowers the president to enter into trade agreements with foreign nations, provided, among other stipulations, that at least 90 days prior to entering into an agreement, the president notifies Congress of his intention to do so and publishes the text of the agreement at least 60 days prior to the U.S. entering into the deal. That way Congress can examine the treaty and consider implementing legislation subject to the limitations on debate and amendments.

The latest grant of trade promotion authority would tie to a series of trade deals that, besides the TPP, include Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, a pact that is being negotiated between the U.S. and the European Union; the Trade in Services Agreement, a trade pact being negotiated by the U.S. and 22 other countries, including the EU; and the Environmental Goods Agreement, a trade agreement the U.S. and 13 countries that among them represent roughly 86 percent of global trade in solar panels, wind turbines or advanced batteries.

As President Obama describes it, TPA is essential to America’s pivot toward Asia, where China also is influencing the rules of trade. As the president explained in his latest State of the Union address:

“Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages.  But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world’s fastest-growing region.  That would put our workers and our businesses at a disadvantage.  Why would we let that happen?  We should write those rules.  We should level the playing field.  That’s why I’m asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren’t just free, but are also fair.”

Support for trade promotion authority scrambles party lines. Only two Republicans in the Senate—Senator Rand Paul, the Kentucky Republican and White House hopeful; and Senator Richard Shelby of Alabama—joined 35 of the chamber’s 44 Democrats and two Independents to oppose the measure. Shelby said in a statement that he fears “that Alabama could lose a significant number of jobs if President Obama agrees to an unfair agreement.” Meanwhile, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky predicted that TPA would create “new opportunities for bigger paychecks, better jobs and a stronger economy.”

Opponents, who include senators from manufacturing states, say the negotiating objectives contained in the bill are insufficient. “Trade Promotion Authority will green light a deal that will not advance wage growth in Pennsylvania or our manufacturing sector,” Senator Bob Casey (D-Pa.) said in a statement.

Senator Debbie Stabenow, a Democrat from Michigan who opposed the bill, contends that manufacturers in her state see the competitiveness of their exports weakened by countries that manipulate their currencies. Senator Elizabeth Warren, the Massachusetts Democrat who leads the party’s populist wing, charged that big banks will use trade deals “to water down financial regulations.”

That’s because, as Paul Krugman opined recently in the Times, the TPP “could force the United States to change policies or face big fines, and financial regulation is one policy that might be in the line of fire.” Krugman points to the example of Canada’s foreign minister recently telling bankers in the U.S. that the so-called Volcker Rule, which bars banks from certain forms of risky trading, may violate the North American Free Trade Agreement.

Trade promotion authority has the support of manufacturers, Hollywood studios, pharmaceutical companies, farmers and the software industry, among others. Organized labor opposes it. “Fast track trade deals mean fewer jobs, lower wages, and a declining middle class,” Rich Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, wrote to Congress in March.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership

The economic impact of the TPP, which was proposed by President George W. Bush and later taken up by President Obama, may depend on several factors, including the extent of trade liberalization achieved in the agreement and, of course, the trade and investment that develops among members, according to a report last March by the Congressional Research Service (CRS).

Taken together, countries that are party to the agreement represent about 40 percent of the global economy and the largest U.S. trading partners, accounting for 41 percent of total U.S. goods traded in 2014 and 24 percent of total U.S. services trade a year earlier, according to CRS. The treaty has 29 chapters that cover such industries and issues as financial services, labor, plant and food safety, telecommunications, intellectual property and the environment.

Estimates of the TPP’s potential impact on the U.S. economy suggest that the effect might be modest. According to David Rosnick, an economist with the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a progressive think tank, the gains to the U.S. economy from the TPP will be “meaninglessly tiny” while workers whose wages fall in the middle of the wage spectrum “are likely to lose” as a result of the deal.

An analysis by Peter Petri and Michael Plummer for the Peterson Institute for International Economics that was published in June 2012 predicts that the U.S. will gain $78 billion annually—a bump in income of 0.19 percent—from the TPP. A study in 2012 by the National Bureau of Economic Research projects a gain of 0.22 percent of GDP provided that the signatories remove non-tariff barriers.

Though the gains don’t seem that significant compared with the size of the U.S. economy (gross domestic product stands at nearly $17 trillion), there are other objectives at stake. “For the United States, the TPP’s overriding purpose is not to contain China but to create a counterweight to its rise,” Robert Samuelson wrote recently in The Washington Post.

For its part, the Obama administration says the TPP aims to set standards for trade, not to put China on the defensive. “TPP is open architecture, and TPP is really meant to be about setting high standards for trade — standards that aspire to be equivalent to the United States’,” Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker told the Times last spring.

The White House terms the Trans-Pacific Partnership “the most progressive trade agreement in history.” According to the Obama administration, the deal would reduce or eliminate tariffs for American goods and make foreign state-owned companies compete fairly with U.S. businesses. The deal also would ensure, among other things, the rights of workers to form unions and bargain collectively, protect wildlife and the environment, and remove tariffs and other impediments to an open Internet and the sale of high-tech products, the administration says.

Some disagree. According to Public Citizen, a nonprofit group that champions citizen interests before Congress, the TPP would, among other ills, offshore U.S. jobs and expose Americans to unsafe food and products. Public Citizen, the AFL-CIO, the American Association of Retired Persons and Doctors Without Borders all have charged that patent protections in the TPP will hike the cost of medicines by delaying cheaper versions from entering the market. For its part, the Obama administration says the pact will expand access to generic versions of patented drugs.

According to the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the TPP also would enshrine laws that restrict fair use of copyrighted material, diminish competition in businesses ranging printer cartridge refills to mobile phones, and subject journalists to criminal penalties for revealing or accessing information via a computer system that is allegedly confidential.

Robert Reich, who served as labor secretary under President Bill Clinton, wrote recently that despite the administration’s push to counter the influence of China, the TPP “will also allow American corporations to outsource even more jobs abroad.”

According to Reich, corporations “want more international protection when it comes to their intellectual property and other assets… But they want less protection of consumers, workers, small investors, and the environment, because these interfere with their profits. So they’ve been seeking trade rules that allow them to override these protections.”

As for public opinion, 58 percent of Americans view trade as a opportunity for U.S. economic growth through more exports, while 33 percent view trade as a threat to the economy from imports, according to a poll last February by Gallup. Sixty-one percent of Democrats trade mainly as an opportunity for the U.S., compared with 51 percent of Republicans. According to Gallup, Americans’ support for free trade may correlate with their confidence in the economy.