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The courts should take Trump at his word

As a candidate for president in 2015, Donald Trump called for a “total and complete shutdown” of the nation’s borders to Muslims. 

Two years later, President Trump signed an executive order enacting a ban on visitors from a series of Muslim-majority countries. Opponents sued, citing those statements as evidence that the ban was little more than a pretext for discrimination in violation of the Constitution. 

Fast forward to Friday, when Trump declared a national emergency at the U.S. border with Mexico. The maneuver enables the White House to build a wall that Congress had just refused to fund in full. Candidate Trump promised his supporters a wall, which is likely to be a cornerstone of his campaign for reelection in 2020.

In support of its argument, the White House said the declaration marks a step “to stop crime and drugs from flooding into our nation.” 

Yet in the Rose Garden on Friday, Trump himself seemed to undermine his own argument. “I didn’t need to do this,” he told reporters. “But I’d rather do it much faster.”

Late Friday, both the governor of California and the American Civil Liberties Union said they would sue the administration to overturn the emergency. Both are likely to point to the president’s words as evidence that the arguments propounded in support of the emergency have nothing to do with facts. Data compiled by the Department of Homeland Security show no evidence of a flood of illegal crossings at the border. 

Trump predicted that the declaration would be challenged in court. And that the administration could expect “a fair shake” at the Supreme Court, where conservatives, two of whom Trump appointed, constitute a majority. 

There has been little litigation over the 1976 statute that the administration cited in support of its declaration. 

The reality – as the president himself suggested by his statements – appears to be that he needs to show supporters between now and November 2020 that he upheld his promise to build a wall.  Now Trump’s words are the words of a president. The Rose Garden is not the campaign trail. 

In a 5-4 decision last year upholding the travel ban, the majority looked away from the statements by candidate Trump. “[T]he issue before us is not whether to denounce the statements,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote. “It is instead the significance of those statements in reviewing a presidential directive, neutral on its face, addressing a matter within the core of executive responsibility.”

Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the majority had ignored the facts. Its decision, she wrote, “leaves undisturbed a policy first advertised openly and unequivocally as a ‘total and complete’ shutdown of Muslims entering the United States’ because the policy now masquerades behind a façade of national-security concerns.”

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Americans deserve a Green New Deal

Last Thursday, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Ed Markey introduced a resolution that maps out a blueprint for defeating the dangers of a changing climate while reordering the U.S. economy for the next 100 years.

Dubbing their plan a Green New Deal, the Democratic duo presented it as a successor to the economic program that President Franklin Roosevelt charted to lead the U.S. out of the Great Depression. 

The parallel fits. According to a report released last October by an intergovernmental panel  on climate change, global temperatures must remain below 1.5 degrees Celsius above levels that predate the Industrial Revolution if the Earth is to avoid the most severe impacts of a changing climate. Those impacts would include, among other things, rising sea levels, wildfires, the loss of nearly all coral reefs, damage to infrastructure and property, billions of dollars in lost economic output in the U.S. alone, and mass migration from the regions most affected.

According to the panel, countering such climate change will require a reduction in emissions of greenhouse gasses from human sources by between 40 and 60 percent from 2010 levels by 2030, and net emissions that total zero 20 years thereafter. The U.S. contributed a fifth of all greenhouse gasses emitted through 2014.

Ocasio-Cortez and Markey also note that the U.S. has experienced a decades-long slide into economic stagnation and rising inequality. 

“Climate change constitutes a direct threat to the national security of the United States by impacting the economic, environmental, and social stability of countries and communities around the world, and by acting as a threat multiplier,” the resolution says.

With that as background, the Green New Deal aims put the U.S. on a course to achieve “net-zero greenhouse gas emissions” and “to create millions of good, high-wage jobs and ensure prosperity for all people of the United States.”

The roadmap

The plan, which the sponsors envision enacting through varied pieces of legislation, would aim to:

Improve the infrastructure of the U.S. to eliminate greenhouse gas emissions as much as technologically feasible

Meet all power demand through renewable energy, and build or upgrade to so-called smart power grids

Upgrade all buildings to achieve maximum energy efficiency

Promote the growth of clean manufacturing

Support family and sustainable farming

Overhaul transportation systems to eliminate pollution with investment in technologies such as high-speed rail

Mitigate and manage long-term adverse effects of pollution on communities

Promote storage of carbon in the soil and reforestation, as well as restore and protected threatened ecosystems

Clean hazardous waste sites

Promote the sharing of technology, expertise and funding among nations with the aim of making the U.S. a leader on climate action

Prioritize the creation of high-wage jobs in communities that may struggle during the transition away from greenhouse gasses, as well as strengthening the right of workers to organize and bargain collectively

Guarantee all Americans a job with a livable wage, adequate family and medical leave, paid vacation and financial security in retirement

Ensure the protection of public lands and waters, as well as the consent of indigenous people for decisions that affect them and their territories

Promote competition through antitrust

Providing all Americans with high-quality health care; affordable, safe housing; economic security; access to clean water and air; affordable food; and nature. 

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The Davis Cup is getting a makeover

This November, the Davis Cup will feature a face-off among 18 countries that meet in Madrid, marking the first time in 119 years that the tournament will not conclude in a two-team final on the favorite’s home court.

The new look for the top event in men’s team tennis will condense into two singles matches and one doubles match, with the outcome of each match determined by the best-of-three sets. That’s down from four singles and one doubles match, with the winner determined by the team that won three of the five matches.

The change, which the International Tennis Federation announced in August, aims to lure elite players who have tended to pass on competing for their countries thanks to the demands of their schedules. For example, Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal have played each other 38 times but never in Davis Cup competition.

“I honestly don’t see it as the end of an era as much as I see it as the end of a chapter of a long book,” David Haggerty, president of the ITF, told the Times.

Some current and former players disagree. “The Davis Cup is dead, and part of the history of our sport is gone for a handful of dollars,” tweeted Nicolas Mahut of France, the third-ranked doubles player in the world

The reformatting comes amid a rivalry in team tennis competition. This January, the men’s tour will launch the ATP Cup in Australia with a 24-team format. The prize money for both cups — $18 million for the Davis Cup and $15 million for the ATP Cup – will be similar. But the ATP Cup also will enable players to compete for points toward their ranking.

In 1900, teams from the U.S and Britain (competing as the British Isles) faced off at the Longwood Cricket Club in Boston in the first Davis Cup.

The Americans won the cup that year and again the next in Brooklyn, setting off a rivalry that reversed when Britain won the title at Longwood in 1903. Fast forward to November, when Croatia, led by Marin Cilic, the seventh-ranked player in the world, clinched the title in a 3-1 victory over France.