Categories
News Politics

Boeing and Bombardier battle beyond the border

A dispute between Boeing and Bombardier over trade rules is reverberating on both sides of the Atlantic.

The fight spilled into the open on Tuesday, when the Trump administration slapped a duty of 220% on imports of “C Series” aircraft built by Montreal-based Bombardier.

The manufacture of the planes, which can hold 150 passengers on flights up to 3,300 miles, relies unfairly on subsidies from the Canadian government, the Commerce Department said in ruling on a complaint filed by Boeing. The subsidies allow Bombardier to sell its planes to U.S. airlines at unrealistically low prices, Boeing charged.

Delta Air Lines, which has ordered 75 of the jets for delivery in 2018 – a deal valued at $6 billion – said the tax, which would add millions to the cost of each jet, would make the planes unaffordable. “We think it’s absurd,” the company’s chief executive told CNBC.

Consequences across the border and beyond

The ruling, which is subject to a final determination in February by the U.S. International Trade Commission, could result in reprisals against Boeing.

Canada said on Thursday it has suspended its purchase of 18 advanced fighter jets built by Boeing and that the company would not be considered for future procurements.

“Rest assured, we cannot do business with a company that is threatening us,” Defense Minister Harjit Sajjan told reporters.

Canada’s foreign minister accused the Trump administration of trying to block Bombardier from the U.S. market. “This is an unjust, punitive ruling,” said Chrystia Freeland, speaking before a dinner with her counterparts from the U.S. and Mexico, who were in Ottawa for talks on the North American Free Trade Agreement.

The battle extended to Britain, where Prime Minister Theresa May said she was “bitterly disappointed” in the U.S. move and asked President Trump to urge Boeing to abandon its challenge, which threatens manufacturing jobs in Northern Ireland.

Bombardier is among the province’s largest employers. About 1,000 workers at a factory in Belfast assemble wings for the C Series.

Reflecting reality

May’s concerns reflect political reality for her Conservative Party, which since losing its parliamentary majority in June has depended on Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) for key votes in the House of Commons.

That may be one reason U.K. Defense Secretary Michael Fallon said this week in Belfast that the maneuver by Boeing, which produces a range of military aircraft for the U.K., could “jeopardize” the company’s relationship with the country.

“This is not the kind of behavior that we expect from a long-term partner and I’ve made that very clear to Boeing,” Fallon said.

Leaders of Northern Ireland’s two main parties warned that the loss of jobs would be a blow to the economy and could undermine peace in the region.

“The security of our economy has and continues to be a crucial part of our efforts in delivering peace through prosperity,” Arlene Foster, leader of the DUP, and Michelle O’Neill, the leader of Sinn Fein, wrote in a letter to Vice President Mike Pence.

“At a time when we are striving to take the next steps in our work on the Peace Process, and resolve our current political difficulties, this issue creates a new and potentially critical factor,” they said.

Of course, Boeing collects subsidies, too. The company sells billions of dollars in aircraft to the U.S. military. Boeing also benefits from lending by the U.S. government that allows other countries to purchase the company’s planes at a discount.

On Friday, the World Trade Organization said it would examine allegations by Brazil that Canadian subsidies to Bombardier allow the company to compete unfairly against put Brazilian aircraft maker Embraer.

Categories
News Politics U.S.

Donald Trump doubles down on division

Donald Trump is back to trying to divide people, this time by attacking professional athletes who protest racism during playing of the national anthem.

Faced with the failure of yet another attempt by Republicans to repeal the Affordable Care Act, the divider-in-chief used a speech at a campaign rally on Friday in Alabama to ridicule African-American athletes.

“Wouldn’t you love to see one of these NFL owners, when somebody disrespects our flag, to say, ‘Get that son of a bitch off the field right now, out, he’s fired!’” Trump told the crowd, referring to players who kneel in protest, a gesture started last year by former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick.

“When people like yourselves turn on television and you see those people taking the knee when they’re playing our great national anthem,” added Trump, speaking about black athletes to an overwhelmingly white crowd. In Alabama.

The president later disinvited the championship Golden State Warriors from the White House after opposition to him by Stephen Curry, their star player. The comments come roughly a month after Trump refused to criticize white supremacists and fascists who rallied in Charlottesville.

“The strong contrast in language for a black man and a Nazi is very telling,” Leland Melvin, a retired NASA astronaut and NFL wide receiver who is African-American, writes in a letter to the president. “Do you have any sense of decency or shame in what you say to the American people that are part of your duty to serve respectfully with dignity, presidentially?”

For decades, Trump has preferred division and demagoguery. The president is the same person who, as David Remnick noted on Saturday, began his career in real estate with a string of discriminatory housing practices and his career in politics with a racist questioning of Barack Obama’s birthplace.

It’s also the same person who in 1989 called for the execution of group of teenagers who were convicted – only to be exonerated – in the rape of a female jogger in Central Park.

Trump’s equivocation over racism in August led a series of business leaders to abandon him. On Saturday, NFL owners – a group not usually prone to protest – criticized the president for sowing divisiveness.

“The callous and offensive comments made by the president are contradictory to what this great country stands for,” said Jed York, the 49ers chief executive.

“Our country needs unifying leadership right now, not more divisiveness,” said Stephen Ross, owner of the Miami Dolphins.

The division that Trump practices follows a pattern. The less he succeeds at changing laws – he has proved unable to repeal the Affordable Care Act, abrogate the North American Free Trade Agreement, build a wall along the border with Mexico or deter North Korea’s nuclear ambitions; all of which he pledged to do – the more he seeks to divide the country.

The divisiveness Trump sows highlights a desperation to hold a base of supporters who actually agree with him. That won’t be enough to remain president.

As Nate Silver has documented, the announcement by former FBI Director James Comey 11 days before the election that he needed to further examine Hillary Clinton’s emails probably cost her the election by erasing her lead over Trump in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Florida.

Trump knows this, too. One way or another, he will struggle to stay in office.

The question now is how soon do Republicans in Congress abandon Trump for Mike Pence, who, were he to become president in the event of impeachment or resignation of Trump, would still assure the GOP and its supporters the tax cuts they covet.

Trump may have won the election, but he has lost the country. As Melvin advises him, “If you can’t do the job then please step down and let someone else try.”

Categories
Film Movies New York City People Writing

Lillian Ross

Among our (many) favorite pieces by Lillian Ross, who died on Wednesday at the age of 99, is a little story about Federico Fellini, the filmmaker, from 1985, for The New Yorker’s Talk of the Town section.

He came to New York to be honored by the Film Society of Lincoln Center. Ross (and we) tag along with Fellini and his wife, the actress Giuletta Masina; Marcello Mastroianni, the actor; and Anouk Aimée, the actress; along with a few assistants, on a day-trip to Darien, where they’re invited for lunch by Dorothy Cullman, chairman of what Ross refers to on second reference as the F.S. of L.C.

The gang, in “a cavalcade of limos,” makes its way north. Ross sits in back with Fellini, Aimée and Mastroianni; Masina is up front with the driver. Ross writes:

“There were lots of high-spirited ‘Ciao!’s and laughter and the Italian equivalents of ‘Get a horse!’ from those in our limo to those in the one behind us, and then Fellini settled down… ‘This is the first time we are all together in New York,’ he said. ‘And now we go to Conneckticut,’ he added, giving a phonetic rendition that was used comfortably by everybody thereafter…

‘Is that Conneckticut?’ Mastroianni asked, pointing out the window at New Jersey as we drove up the Henry Hudson Parkway. Fellini pointed in the opposite direction, at Grant’s Tomb, and we identified it for him. ‘Cary?’ Miss Aimée asked, looking stricken. We explained Ulysses S., and everybody looked relieved.”

Discussion ensues – about the possibility of changing into bathing suits in Darien, about the making of “La Dolce Vita” – punctured by exclamations – “Look at the trees!,” Mastroianni calls out. “Look! There’s Conneckticut!”

“Not yet, we said,” Ross tells us.

The caravan finally arrives at a white clapboard house built around 1720 that overlooks a perfect lawn with a huge swimming pool that’s like a pond. Out of the limos, “up a white-and-tan pebbled walk Fellini and the gang strode – like characters in a Fellini movie – toward the house,” where they’re greeted by Mrs. Cullman, whom Ross describes:

“She wore an ample peach-and white antique Japanese kimono over a white cotton jumpsuit, and she had on flat-heeled white sandals. On her wrists she wore handsome matching wide antique Indian bracelets of ivory and silver. She extended both hands to the guests. ‘An apparition!’ Fellini whispered in awe… Fellini kissed one of Mrs. Cullman’s outstretched hands, Mastroianni kissed the other, everybody relaxed, and we were off on a Sunday-in-the-country.”

Mrs. Cullman apologizes that Mr. Cullman has just taken their cook, who had suddenly become ill, to the hospital, but assures them there will be lunch.

The gang heads into the house, to a glass-enclosed porch that looks out over the lawn and pool. They snack on crabmeat on apricot halves and pâté on toast.

Mr. Cullman appears, dressed in jeans, sneakers and an Italian striped cotton shirt, and reports that the cook is now healthy and back in the kitchen.

Mrs. Cullman sits down next to Fellini. “I have only two Italian words – molto bene,” she confides. The filmmaker smiles and lifts “a crab-filled apricot half in a gesture of salute to her. ‘Molto bene,’” he says.

Mr. Cullman reappears – he’s changed into “a cream-colored Issey Miyake sweater shirt, cream-colored slacks, and white loafers” – and proceeds to lead the guests on a tour of the house.

“Why all the houses made of wood, not stone, in Connectikut?” Mastroianni asks. “Plenty of wood in this part of the country,” Mr. Cullman says. “I thought wood because the pioneers moved all the time – away from the Indians,” Mastroianni says, acting the part of an Indian shooting an arrow at Mr. Cullman. “Yeah,” Mr. Cullman says.

The gang and its hosts head outside and wander down to the pool. Mrs. Cullman asks who’s for a swim. “Fellini looked at Mastroianni, who looked at Miss Masina,” who turns away from some hanging bells she’s admiring, “and all shook their heads” no.

The group makes its way back to the house, more crabmeat and pâté, and Mrs. Cullman and Fellini get to talking about travel. She notes that Fellini hasn’t spent much time in New York. He tells her that he visited once only to turn around and head back to Italy. He said he came to regret leaving so soon.

“Do you feel when you travel that you’re too close to it, and that later you feel differently about it?” Mrs. Cullman asks.

“Language is the medium for the relationship to reality,” Fellini says, looking apologetic, writes Ross. “If I don’t know the language, I feel lost.”

Lunch follows: “Curried chicken, seafood pasta, steamed mussels, steamed clams, green salad, white wine, three kinds of cake, ice cream, candied-ginger sauce, fresh fruit, and espresso,” Ross reports.

In the limo on the way home, the director of the tribute walks Fellini through the run of show. “It will be pictures, people, pictures, people, et cetera, and at the end, you,” she tells him.

“I want the Rockettes,” Fellini says.

Cut to the next night, at Avery Fisher Hall. Backstage, Fellini runs into Mr. Cullman, who is wearing a tuxedo and bow tie that Ross tells us has “spectacular blue polka dots the size of dimes on a bright-red background.”

“It is the tie of a Connectikut Yankee,” Fellini says knowledgeably.

The tribute “goes off nicely,” says Ross.

She reports that Fellini read a short speech, which we know is lovely, because Ross gives him the last word. There’s a sweetness to his remarks that’s missing from our current age.

“My dear American friends: You are truly a simpatico people, as I always suspected since I was a child… In the small movie house of my village – with two hundred seats and five hundred standing room – I discovered through your films that there existed another way of life, that a country existed of wide-open spaces, of fantastic cities which were like a cross between Babylon and Mars. Perhaps, thinking about it now, the stories were simplistic. However, it was nice to think that despite the conflicts and the pitfalls there was always a happy ending. It was especially wonderful to know that a country existed where people were free, rich, and happy, dancing on the roofs of the skyscrapers, and where even a humble tramp could become President. Perhaps even then it wasn’t really like this. However, I believe that I owe to those flickering shadows from America my decision to express myself through film. And so I, too, made some films and gave life to some flickering shadows, and through them I told the story of my country. And tonight, I am extremely touched to find myself here, together with my beloved actors and honored by the people who inspired me in those old years.”

Categories
Tech

Apple TV 4K shows why net neutrality matters

Apple on Tuesday rolled out the latest generation of its set-top box and all I could think of was connectivity.

The device, dubbed Apple TV 4K, will cost $179 and be able to stream to TVs that offer double the vertical resolution and two times the horizontal resolution of high-definition models. It is said to be twice as fast as the version of Apple TV it succeeds, and features software that produces s0-called High Dynamic Range, which reportedly enhances color and contrast.

So far so good. But Apple TV, like all streaming media players, depends on a connection to the internet that in my neighborhood and many others struggles to support speeds that can allow video to stream smoothly.

I am currently able to download from the internet at about 260 megabits per second via my connection to the cable network. (The Federal Communications Commission defines broadband for so-called fixed wireline services as download speeds of 25 mbps and upload speeds of 3 mbps.)

My connection, through Charter Communications, a cable company, slows during periods of peak demand. Which means news and sports streamed at those times or that demand a lot of data – such as a State of the Union address or a Premier League soccer game – can appear with glitches.

Part of the problem ties to a lack of competition in broadband. About one-third (36%) of households in urban areas had access to at least two providers of broadband, as of the end of 2015, data from the FCC shows. (The percentage falls to only 6% in rural areas.) Absent competition, providers lack incentive to up the speeds they offer.

The neighborhood in New York City where I live has one provider. The city is suing Verizon, a rival, for allegedly failing to keep its promise to provide high-speed internet service to every household in the city.

In the meantime, the lack of a competitor leaves many of us with a choice: subscribe to cable for video or cut the cord and put up with video that starts and stops during telecasts that demand a comparatively fast connection in order to stream smoothly.

All of which starts to show why rules of competition in broadband matter. The FCC is expected to vote as soon as October on a proposal to do away protections for so-called net neutrality, which prevents cable companies and other internet service providers from blocking or choking traffic.

The agency’s current chairman opposes net neutrality, which he says is tantamount to regulating the internet. But as Tom Wheeler, his predecessor has noted, net neutrality sets “ground rules for the people who deliver the internet.” Doing away with the rules leaves consumers at risk of their internet service provider favoring content that benefits its business. To their credit (and to protect their businesses), Apple, Facebook and other tech giants have urged the FCC to keep the safeguards in place.

The latest set-top box from Apple suggests the tech industry will continue to improve the experience of watching video. But the promise of those devices will turn on whether the internet speeds up, not slows down.

Categories
New York City

Our choice for New York City Council

Tuesday is primary election day here in New York City. Like many New Yorkers, we’re studying the flyers that we’ve been handed at subway stops, perusing endorsements, and visiting candidates’ websites and social media.

Here in District 9, five Democrats, one Republican and one member of the Reform Party are vying to unseat Bill Perkins, a Democrat who won a seat on the city council during a special election last February.

Perkins, who previously served on the council from 1998 until 2005, is reminding voters that he stood with the Central Park Five when no one else would.  (Donald Trump called for their execution.)

But in this, his second stint on council, the incumbent is showing signs of the office slipping away from him. His answers “even to softballs on major issues were embarrassingly blank,” the Daily News wrote after meeting with Perkins.

The Daily News endorsed Marvin Holland, the political and legislative director for Transit Workers Union Local 100, who began his career cleaning subways. We like that Holland calls for ending so-called broken windows policing, which leads to injustices, and strengthening ties between police and the community.

Cordell Cleare, who served for a decade as chief of staff to Perkins, is the lone woman in the race. We met her one morning outside the 3-train stop. She says she aims to preserve affordable housing, which matters in a district that is experiencing gentrification.

We also like her commitment to justice. “If you choke a man to death who said, ‘I can’t breathe’ 11 times you should go to jail,” Cleare said recently at a debate, referring to the death of Eric Garner.

Cleare earned the endorsement of the Amsterdam News, which says “it’s not possible” to cite Perkins’ successes without noting the contribution of Cleare.

Tyson-Lord Gray, an environmental advocate and lawyer who has lived in the district for a decade, is running as well. We admire his work to introduce minority students to careers in conservation. Gray, whose grandfather was a farmer, holds a doctorate in environmental ethics from Vanderbilt.

Marvin Spruill has lived in the district all his life. At a recent forum, he spoke “with a depth of feeling about policing” but otherwise “displayed little understanding of the issues,” noted City Limits. We like Spruill’s bio on Twitter, where Spruill says he’s “going all in, to go all out for our community!!” (emphasis in original)

Julius Tajiddin, another Democrat who’s running, opposes bus lanes, which evidence shows speed traffic. That’s enough reason for us to oppose him for council. (We’d like to see portions of Manhattan car-free.)

The Republican in the race is Jack Royster Jr., a pastor who found Christ after prison. We admire his being part of a prayer group whose morning walks aim to counter violence in the community.

Pierre Gooding is running as a member of the Reform party. He’s a lawyer and former teacher, who says residents should not be forced to make the choice that his mother made when she moved her family out of Harlem to a community with better public schools.

It’s a good group of candidates, but to us the choice is Cleare.