Categories
Economy

Imagining World War II as economic stimulus

Production line at Lockheed, 1941 (Photo by David Bransby, Farm Security Administration, Office of War Information Photograph Collection, Library of Congress, via Wikimedia Commons)
Production line at Lockheed, 1941 (Photo by David Bransby, Farm Security Administration, Office of War Information Photograph Collection, Library of Congress, via Wikimedia Commons)

Sunday marked 73 years since the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor that brought the U.S. into war in the Pacific.

The day after the attack, newspapers reported on the incident and assessed what might happen next. Writing on Dec. 8, 1941 in the Wall Street Journal, Eugene Duffield outlines the mobilization, which is mind-blowing for the mass of the economy it ensnared and, you might say, stimulated.

As Paul Krugman wrote in the Times in 2011, “World War II is the great natural experiment in the effects of large increases in government spending, and as such has always served as an important positive example for those of us who favor an activist approach to a depressed economy.”

Duffield’s story conveys the scope. Starting in graph five he writes:

This war of the whole world will make demands on the United States such as it has never met before. To defeat the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo axis will require:

Diversion of two-thirds to three-quarters of the industrial facilities of the country to munitions making. Curtailment of civilian consumption of industrial goods to levels below those experienced in the 1932-33 depression.

Expenditure of about half of the national income, or upward of about $30 billion annually, on war.

Sharp increase in taxes plus reliance on banks and savings institutions to absorb large blocks of government bonds in order to finance these record-breaking outlays.

Raising of armed forces which according to the joint army-navy board might reach a total over 10 million men.

Labor ‘registration’ to assure farms and factories of ample manpower if the huge armed force is raised.

Rationing of food if the diversion of manpower to military service and factories impairs food production.

Doubling of the merchant marine if half of the armed services are to be sent abroad to fight.

These are the rough outlines of the mobilization plan which America must follow if yesterday’s events prove to be but a step toward eventual involvement in war against Germany and all her satellites.

Of course, what’s also striking is Duffield’s delineating in detail the effort within 24 hours of the attack. Then again, his sources included officials at the so-called Supply, Priorities and Allocation Board, which President Roosevelt created that summer to coordinate defense production.

Duffield also cited a report by The Associated Press, which reported that Undersecretary of War Robert Patterson had called for production of munitions on a continuous basis. “All steps must be taken to increase the speed with which contracts are let and to speed up maximum production,” Patterson reportedly told the heads of the War Department’s procurement agency.

Categories
Law

When the right to counsel survives a conflict

When does a rule that prevents your lawyer from defending someone whose interests may be adverse to yours conflict with your right to assistance of counsel in a criminal case?

That was the question before a New York appeals court that recently overturned the conviction of Lawrence Watson, who was convicted in 2010 of possessing a loaded firearm and resisting arrest and sentenced to 20 years in prison. When approached by police, both Watson and Toi Stephens, a fellow suspect, ran away though both were later stopped and arrested.

In court on the eve of trial, Watson found himself in a three-way conversation with his attorney, Robert Fisher of New York County Defender Services, a nonprofit firm that represents indigent defendants, and Judge Richard Carruthers, a state trial judge in Manhattan.

Fisher told the court that he had a conflict of interest. He learned during pretrial discovery that another attorney in his office represented Stephens, whose case had ended. Though Fisher had received no information about Stephens, Watson, if necessary, would have to waive his ability to call Stephens as a witness because Fisher’s office already represented Stephens. Discussion ensued:

The court (to Fisher): You have a very difficult ethical problem if you were to stay on the case and they (prosecutors) call him (Stephens).

Watson: I don’t want to relieve Mr. Fisher because he’s been my lawyer through the whole case and I feel that if I was to obtain another attorney, I want to go to trial, it pushes back time and I’m ready to proceed and get this matter over with as soon as possible.

The court: Believe me, I sympathize with that but we want to get it done correctly. Trials can take turns that no one can anticipate and it might happen that Mr. Stephens will become a relevant witness, will be found, will be brought to court by the prosecution and then that would put you in a very difficult position. Certainly it would put your lawyer in a very difficult position and these are things that can happen. No one can predict with certitude that it will happen but it could happen. So the best thing to do as a matter of caution is to relieve Mr. Fisher and to appoint new counsel to represent you.

With that Carruthers appointed a new lawyer to represent Watson, who asserted on appeal that the court erred in finding a conflict because Fisher had no contact with Stephens or, for that matter, know Stephens’ whereabouts.

The appeals court agreed. While noting that the law affords trial judges wide latitude to determine whether a conflict exists, the Appellate Division found none. “Indeed, Fisher acknowledged that he would be barred from viewing his office’s file on Stephens or using the address on file to try to locate Stephens,” Justice Barbara Kapnick wrote for the majority in a decision published Thursday.

The appeal entangles two principles of law. One is the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution, which guarantees criminal defendants the right to be represented by a lawyer regardless whether they can afford one.

The other principle comes from ethical standards that govern lawyers, who cannot represent differing interests or disclose confidential information from one client for the advantage of another.

In 1988, the Supreme Court upheld the conviction of a man who sought to be represented by the same lawyer who represented two of his fellow defendants in an alleged conspiracy to distribute thousands of pounds of marijuana throughout California.

As in Watson’s case, the possibility of a conflict arose before trial, which influenced the court’s view. As Chief Justice William Rehnquist wrote for the majority:

Unfortunately for all concerned, a district court must pass on the issue whether or not to allow a waiver of a conflict of interest by a criminal defendant not with the wisdom of hindsight after the trial has taken place, but in the murkier pretrial context when relationships between parties are seen through a glass, darkly.

The likelihood and dimensions of nascent conflicts of interest are notoriously hard to predict, even for those thoroughly familiar with criminal trials. It is a rare attorney who will be fortunate enough to learn the entire truth from his own client, much less be fully apprised before trial of what each of the Government’s witnesses will say on the stand. [citation omitted]

A few bits of unforeseen testimony or a single previously unknown or unnoticed document may significantly shift the relationship between multiple defendants. These imponderables are difficult enough for a lawyer to assess, and even more difficult to convey by way of explanation to a criminal defendant untutored in the niceties of legal ethics.

For these reasons we think the district court must be allowed substantial latitude in refusing waivers of conflicts of interest not only in those rare cases where an actual conflict may be demonstrated before trial, but in the more common cases where a potential for conflict exists which may or may not burgeon into an actual conflict as the trial progresses.

Of course, a criminal defendant cannot choose whomever he would like to represent him. As the court noted, an advocate who is not a member of the bar may not represent anyone besides himself. Nor may a defendant insist on a lawyer he cannot afford or one who turns down the representation.

For his part, Watson wanted to retain Fisher as his lawyer despite the conflict. The discussion before Carruthers continued:

Watson: One more question.

The court: Sure.

Watson: I’m not sure but [is it] up to my discretion if I really want to relieve Mr. Fisher?

The court: You see, we are in a difficult position now where I see him being placed in a position where he just would not be able to effectively represent you. I have, ultimately, the responsibility to see that trials are conducted fairly and without any impediment to either side.

Watson: Even if I waive the conflict?

The court: Even then, when I see there is a real conflict that might not be able to be overcome, you see. I would like to keep Mr. Fisher on but at this point, I just don’t see how I can do it. I sympathize with you being put in this position. There will be some delay. We will try to get an attorney who will represent you who will be able to take up the matter quickly.

That’s what the trial court did. Watson did not contend that the lawyer appointed to represent him was ineffective.

According to the appeals court, Watson’s predicament differed from precedent. As Kapnick wrote, “It is crucial to recognize that here, unlike in other right to counsel cases, the proper initial inquiry is not whether defendant’s waiver should have been accepted, but whether there was even a conflict or potential conflict of interest to waive in the first place.”

Categories
News

News quiz, week ending Dec. 5

1. What prompted protests to erupt at universities across Egypt on Sunday?

2. On Monday, this Chinese company rejected charges by Target, Home Depot and other retail firms that it would “decimate” retailers unless Congress passes a law to prevent online shoppers from avoiding sales tax.

3. Namibia’s ruling party on Monday won a landslide victory in both presidential and parliamentary elections. What is the name of the party?

4. On Tuesday, hackers posted online internal documents of this movie studio.

5. The U.N.’s World Meteorological Organization this week predicted what about 2014?

6. On Wednesday, this country’s foreign ministry summoned the U.S. charge d’affaires after Senator John McCain called the country’s prime minister a “neo-fascist dictator.”

7. Russian President Vladimir Putin on Thursday asked his country’s central bank to crack down on which group of people?

8. The Justice Department released a report Thursday that found police in this city frequently violated citizens’ civil rights.

9. On Friday, NASA launched its Orion spacecraft on an unmanned test flight. How many times did Orion orbit the Earth?

10. President Obama on Friday nominated Ashton Carter as his new secretary of defense. In what field did Carter earn his doctorate and from which university did he earn it?

11. The producer and director of the next installment in the James Bond series announced this week that this car will accompany 007 in the film.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Answers:

1) A court ruling to drop criminal charges against former President Hosni Mubarak in connection with the killing of protestors during the 2011 uprising that ended his rule; 2) Alibaba; 3) SWAPO, which stands for South-West African People’s Organization; 4) Sony Pictures Entertainment; 5) The year will be the warmest on record; 6) Hungary; 7) Speculators against the ruble; 8) Cleveland; 9) Two; 10) Theoretical physics, Oxford University; 11) The Aston Martin DB10

 

Categories
Law

Eric Garner’s death is an American problem

Protestors in Times Square (Photo by Brian Browdie)
Protestors in Times Square (Photo by Brian Browdie)

About 50 yards from where hundreds of people massed Wednesday evening in Times Square to protest the decision by a grand jury not to indict a police officer in the death of Eric Garner, about two dozen tourists gazed up at themselves on a video display sponsored by Revlon.

The tourists chatted away in languages other than English and snapped photos of themselves snapping photos of themselves on the giant display that looms above Broadway.

Whatever selfies they snapped at street level may reveal in the background a sea of signs held aloft by protestors who had come to register the injustice of the chokehold death of a black man by a police officer on Staten Island last summer for allegedly selling loose cigarettes. As transgressions go, Garner’s offense roughly rivaled staring at oneself on a video display in the threat it posed to the general welfare.

(Photo by Brian Browdie)
(Photo by Brian Browdie)

“This is a clear-cut case of death by broken windows policing,” Stan Williams, a labor organizer from Brooklyn, told a reporter. “Was he selling loosies that day? If he was, take him to jail.”

As if the death of Garner, 43, who stood six feet three and whom locals described as a gentle giant, were not tragedy enough, the death of another black man at the hands of police suggests that America itself suffers from an illness of injustice that undermines the ideal that draws people here from around the world to snap selfies and pursue their dreams.

Protestors stage a die-in at Grand Central Terminal (Photo by Brian Browdie)
Protestors stage a die-in at Grand Central Terminal (Photo by Brian Browdie)

On Wednesday, beneath the LED displays for Dunkin Donuts, Stella Artois and a multitude of other products that illuminate Times Square, a series of signs penned in Sharpie spoke of a reality that has characterized America for far too long. “We want an indictment,” read one. “I can’t breathe,” read another, quoting Garner’s words as he lay dying.

(Photo by Brian Browdie)
(Photo by Brian Browdie)

“Mr. Garner’s death is one of several recent incidents across the country that have tested the sense of trust that must exist between law enforcement and the communities they are charged to serve and protect,” Attorney General Eric Holder said in a statement Wednesday announcing that the Department of Justice will proceed with a federal civil rights investigation.

“This is not a New York issue or a Ferguson issue alone,” Holder added. He’s right of course. As President Obama said Wednesday, “This is an American problem.”

“We can’t imagine we’re the city on the hill or a country where equality reigns when people are being brutalized,” said Williams. As another protestor remarked to a reporter from Europe 1 radio: “I just feel like everyone should give a shit about this.”

Categories
Law

Anonymous tips and the Fourth Amendment

How should courts treat anonymous tips in determining whether a legal basis exists to stop, arrest or search someone consistent with the Constitution?

That’s the question in a decision published Nov. 28 by New York’s Court of Appeals, which heard appeals from three men, all of whom were charged with crimes based on evidence obtained in part from calls to 911 by unidentified callers.

Consider the case of Dr. Eric Johnson, who pleaded guilty to several counts of driving while intoxicated following a breath test that showed Johnson had a blood-alcohol content nearly twice the legal limit. At trial, Johnson moved to exclude from evidence the results of the test and statements he made to the police after being pulled over on the night of October 1, 2011 while driving his blue BMW in upstate Ontario County.

Both the results of the test and his statements constituted the so-called fruits of an unlawful stop, Johnson contended.

Though the trial court admitted the evidence, the Court of Appeals agreed with Johnson that the call to 911 that led police to follow his car – the caller had reported seeing a blue BMW being operated by someone who appeared to be “sick or intoxicated” – lacked reliability sufficient to allow police to reasonably suspect criminal activity. According to the court:

The caller’s cursory allegation that the driver of the car was either sick or intoxicated, without more, did not supply the sheriff’s deputy who stopped the car with reasonable suspicion that defendant was driving while intoxicated. Although the deputy observed defendant commit a minor traffic infraction, this did not authorize the vehicle stop because he was outside his geographical jurisdiction at the time of the infraction.

At issue is the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, which protects against arbitrary arrests and unreasonable searches by the government. As Judge Jenny Rivera observed in an opinion that dissented in part from the majority’s ruling:

Anonymous tipsters differ from known police informants, whose identities are not secret and whom police may have prior experience as reliable sources of information about criminal activity…The case law illustrates a general concern about the use of information from informants, in particular anonymous tipsters, as a basis for police intrusions because of the ease with which anonymity facilitates false reporting.

To find a tip sufficiently reliable for a determination of probable cause, courts in New York State follow a two-part test taken from rulings by the US Supreme Court in Aguilar v. State of Texas, a 1964 decision, and Spinelli v. US, a decision the court issued five years later. Taken together, the so-called Aguilar-Spinelli test requires a judge to conclude that an informant is reliable and that the informant has a basis of knowledge for his or her tip.

Six states, including New York, follow the Aguilar-Spinelli test. The rest of the union applies an analysis adopted in 1983 by the US Supreme Court that simply examines all the facts to see if they add up to probable cause. That means in New York, information supplied to police by someone who calls 911 cannot provide the basis for a search or seizure unless the government can establish the reliability of the informant’s knowledge and show that the informant is generally credible.

Tips can be credible when they predict the future behavior or movements of a suspect, or when the informant has a history of providing police with tips that turn out to be reliable.

Anonymous tips also can give rise to reasonable suspicion, which is the lesser level of proof that police need to frisk someone or to stop a vehicle when an officer suspects that criminal activity may be present.

Though a stop can be less intrusive compared with a search or arrest, the Constitution still requires that police have a basis for interfering with someone’s liberty based on information supplied anonymously. As Judge Sheila Abdus-Saalam explained in a concurring opinion:

As is true of an arrest premised on uncorroborated anonymous hearsay, a stop based on an unreliable tip may unjustly expose an individual to a high degree of physical intrusion without any credible cause for suspicion. If such stop were permitted, police could freely abuse the people on authority of the most preposterous reports, and malicious tipsters could easily use incredible rumors to convince the police to physically harass the targets of the tipster’s ire.

While such suspicion also demands that a tip be reliable in its assertion of illegality, New York courts forsake the Aguilar-Spinelli test in favor of examining all the facts when deciding whether a tip is reliable enough to justify a police stop.

In its ruling, the court let stand the guilty pleas of John DiSalvo and Costandino Argyris, who, following their indictments on varied weapons-related charges, asked the trial judge to suppress the items recovered from their persons and automobile as the fruits of an unlawful seizure.

According to the men, a 911 caller’s failure to predict their actions rendered the informant’s tip too unreliable to justify the stop of a Mustang they were driving through Queens on July 19, 2007.

“I saw a black Mustang, brand new black Mustang with like four guys and I saw one of them put in a big gun in the back of the car,” the caller told the operator. The caller described the men as “big burly white guys” though he said he did not know what they where wearing.

When the operator interrupted the caller and asked whether he wanted to provide his name and telephone number, the caller replied, “No, I don’t really want to, I just saw something and I say something, like they say.”

A few minutes later, Sergeant Louis Bauso, on patrol in his car, saw a Mustang which bore the license plate number relayed by report from 911. Bauso got out of his car, pointed at the Mustang and yelled at it to pull over. The driver disregarded Bauso, who returned to his car and pursued the vehicle.

Around that time, Officer Kashim Valles, on patrol in his car, saw the Mustang drive toward him. Valles used his car to cut off the Mustang, called for backup, got out of his car and pointed his gun at the vehicle. Bauso, his partner and about six other officers arrived.

All of the officers trained their guns on the Mustang while Valles shouldered his weapon and directed the Mustang’s occupants to leave the car.

DiSalvo emerged from the passenger seat with what Valles observed to be a gun in his waistband. Valles ordered DiSalvo to put his hands on the car, while Valles handcuffed him, recovering the gun and some cash.

Valles then ordered the remaining occupants to step out of the vehicle one by one. Argyris emerged wearing a bulletproof vest. When Valles searched Argyris he recovered a metal club and a switchblade. During a search of the car, Valles found a loaded .380 caliber handgun and a box of .9 millimeter ammunition on the back seat.