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News

Some highs from 2020

This has been a year unlike any that most of us have experienced. I’m thankful for everything, even if I didn’t always like being stuck in place. (Though I liked it plenty.) That said, here are some of my highs from 2020:

An N95 mask that Krista gave me

Eating blueberry swirl ice cream with Krista (she had lemon)

Playing in the yard with Puppy

Kisses from Tesse, rubbing her belly

Sneaking blueberries to Saxa

Hugging Olympus

Walking arm-in-arm with Krista along the path at Ballito while the ocean sprayed in our faces

Planting lavender in the garden

Lockdown levels 3, 2 and 1 with Krista (level 5, not so much)

My Bean flannel sheets

Having a big beard (and looking forward to another one after I am vaccinated)

Catching up each day with Mom

Coronation chicken salad sandwiches with Krista, Pete and Sue at the South Africa/England cricket match

The Daily Mini crossword

A new eyeglass prescription that improved my vision

Thinking about the advice Dad might give me whenever I felt stressed, and feeling calmed by it

Getting three clients, up from one in 2019

Other people wearing masks and social distancing

My New Balance running shoes

Subscribing to home delivery of the Mercury, the Sunday Times (SA) and The New York Times

FaceTime with Matt

Noise-cancelling headphones

Daily walks

Listening to “Circles” by Mac Miller

Talking Congress with Andrew

Reading “Kitchen Confidential” by Anthony Bourdain

Zoom with Stacy, Dan, Maddie and Josh

The story pitches I was proud of even if they didn’t get published

Colors

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News

Saturday’s headlines are for the ages

The front page of The New York Times on Saturday showed history happening in something approaching real time. In an instant one could see the end of an effort by Donald Trump to, as the headline put it, “subvert the vote,” together with a turning point in the effort to end the pandemic.

The headline splashed across the top of the page proclaimed that the Supreme Court on Friday tossed out a lawsuit by Texas that sought to overturn the results of the presidential election. The ruling effectively ends an effort by Donald Trump to change the outcome. 

Just below appeared the news that the Food and Drug Administration had authorized Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine for emergency use. The authorization clears the way for millions of people most at risk from the coronavirus to begin receiving the jab.

One commentator likened Saturday’s front page to those proclaiming the end of World War II. Though the latest milestones did not, fortunately, follow the use of a nuclear weapon, the ruling by the Supreme Court exploded an effort by Trump to overturn the results of the presidential election.

In an unsigned, one-page ruling, the justices said that Texas lacked standing (that is, a legally recognizable harm) to object to the ways that four states — Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — conducted their elections. 

The Trump Administration and more than half the Republicans in the House of Representatives backed the lawsuit, which asked the justices to consider the case as part of the Court’s so-called original jurisdiction.

The Constitution authorizes the Court to hear disputes between states directly, without the requirement that the dispute come through the appellate courts. In such instances the Supreme Court functions essentially as a trial court in which the justices weigh evidence and arrive at a verdict. 

Texas had asked the court to delay certification of the voting by the Electoral College because “unconstitutional irregularities” in the four states made it impossible to know who “legitimately won the 2020 election.”

Each of the four states filed briefs attacking the lawsuit. “Texas has not suffered harm simply because it dislikes the result of the election, and nothing in the text, history, or structure of the Constitution supports Texas’s view that it can dictate the manner in which four other states run their elections,” Pennsylvania told the Court.

The justices agreed, writing that Texas “has not demonstrated a judicially cognizable interest in the manner in which another state conducts its elections.” For their part, Justices Samuel Alito and Thomas said that the lawsuit fell within the Court’s original jurisdiction “but would not grant other relief… and express no view on any other issue” in the lawsuit.

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Law

The Supreme Court blocks New York’s COVID-19 restriction on religious services

The Supreme Court late on Wednesday blocked the governor of New York from enforcing restrictions that sought to restrict attendance at religious services in areas of the state that officials say are witnessing clusters of COVID-19.

Five of the court’s conservative members granted requests from the Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn and two Orthodox Jewish synagogues to block the attendance limits, which capped at 10 the number of people who could attend a service in an area classified as “red” and at 25 in zones the state designated as “orange.”

Both the diocese and the synagogues noted that the restrictions targeted religious services more harshly than they did businesses deemed by the state to be essential, all of which could operate without limits on the number of people who entered their premises.

As such, the regulations violated the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, contended the religious groups, which asked the court to block their enforcement.

“The restrictions at issue here, by effectively barring many from attending religious services, strike at the very heart of the First Amendment’s guarantee of religious liberty,” wrote the majority, which included recently confirmed Justice Amy Coney Barrett. “Even in a pandemic, the Constitution cannot be put away and forgotten.”

The majority noted that the churches and synagogues subject to the order had honored protocols recommended by the state (including wearing masks and forgoing singing), which the majority added could point to no instances in which the religious services risked the spread of COVID-19 more than a store in Brooklyn that might have hundreds of people shop there on a given day.

Justice Gorsuch concurred. Writing that squaring the governor’s orders with the First Amendment “is no easy task,” Gorsuch underscored what for him showed the extent to which the state’s order treated religious groups differently:

It turns out the businesses the governor considers essential include hardware stores, acupuncturists, and liquor stores. Bicycle repair shops, certain signage companies, accountants, lawyers, and insurance agents are all essential too. So, at least according to the governor, it may be unsafe to go to church, but it is always fine to pickup another bottle of wine, shop for a new bike, or spend the afternoon exploring your distal points and meridians. Who knew public health would so perfectly align with secular convenience?

“Even if the Constitution has taken a holiday during this pandemic, it cannot become a sabbatical,” Gorsuch wrote.

At issue in the appeal is the requirement of government neutrality toward religion. Rules issued by the government that treat religious groups differently must be narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest.

The majority acknowledged that the state has a compelling interest in stemming the spread of COVID-19 but that the restrictions in New York were far more restrictive than needed to prevent the spread of the coronavirus at religious services hosted by the groups that sought to block the governor’s order.

For their part, the court’s three liberal members noted in dissent that the governor’s order had changed since the appeal was filed; that the churches and synagogues are no longer within the red or orange zones — that the houses of worship are now in yellow zones, where they can hold religious services at up to 50% of capacity.

Though the state remained free to reimpose red or orange zones in areas where the churches and synagogues are located, the diocese and synagogues also remained free to refile their requests for court review, the dissenting justices noted.

“The nature of the epidemic, the spikes, the uncertainties, and the need for quick action, taken together, mean that the state has countervailing arguments based upon health, safety, and administrative considerations that must be balanced against the applicants’ First Amendment challenges,” they said.

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Politics U.S.

The GOP ditches democracy

Subsumed by the news since the U.S. presidential election on Nov. 3 is a study released in the closing weeks of the campaign that finds the Republican party has withdrawn from upholding democratic norms.

The finding came from the V-Dem Institute at Sweden’s University of Gothenburg, which since 1970 has studied shifts in political parties around the world. In the GOP’s illiberalism, the study finds, the party resembles the authoritarian party of Hungary’s Viktor Orban that has made Hungary country the only non-democracy in the European Union.

The Republican Party has displayed its anti-democratic drive without hesitation over the two weeks since the election. The party’s congressional delegation, with a handful of exceptions, has joined President Trump in refusing to acknowledge the results. Ditto for many Republican governors. Republican support for Trump’s claims are “delegitimizing democracy,” former President Barack Obama told CBS News.

Unearthing Trump’s motivation comes down to, as Steve Coll noted in the New Yorker, “what’s in it for him.” Trump may see a second term as the best hope for shielding himself from both prosecution and hundreds of millions of dollars in debt. “It’s the office of the presidency that’s keeping him from prison and the poorhouse,” Timothy Snyder, a history professor at Yale, told the New Yorker’s Jane Mayer.

For their part, Republicans seem to be acting out of fear for their own for survival (thanks to Trump’s sway with their base) and a determination to hold power. Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, may hope that by insisting that Trump has every right to contest the results (notwithstanding any evidence of irregularity in the voting), he’ll encourage Republicans in Georgia to turn out for two Senate run-off elections that will decide whether McConnell retains his job.

For years now, Republicans have relied on partisan gerrymandering, the structural advantage the Senate confers on rural states, and other anti-Democratic devices to achieve what they’ve been unable to at the ballot box. A majority of Americans, for example, support abortion rights. So Republicans focus on filling federal courts with judges who oppose such rights.

If nothing else, the GOP’s refusal to accept the result of the election (while embracing results of elections won by its members) shows that democracy is as difficult as ever. Seventy-two million Americans voted for Donald Trump.

Misinformation matters. Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to say that social media sites likely censor political viewpoints. “It’ll take more than one election to reverse those trends,” Obama told the BBC, referring to what he termed “truth decay.”

Finding ways to show Americans what we have in common would help, too. In a memo last week, four leading progressive groups analyzed what went wrong for congressional Democrats, who nearly lost their majority in the House of Representatives. The underperformance touched off a debate between the party’s left and members who blamed the left for the results.

In their memo, the progressive groups call for an economic message that connects with working people of all races.  “Too often Democrats keep issues of economic justice and racial justice in separate siloes,” they wrote. “Data has shown that an explicit multiracial, populist message mobilizes and persuades voters. We need a Democratic Party dedicated to economic and racial justice and that names the Republican Party’s racism as a class weapon.”

Trump was a strongman without a strategy. Someday our democracy may confront one who has their act together. Now would be time to get ready.

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News

Biden beats Trump

The coupe de grace to the presidency of Donald Trump came on Saturday, Nov. 7, 2020, around 11:30 a.m. Eastern when the news arrived that Joseph R. Biden Jr. was projected to win Pennsylvania.

The streets here on a sunny morning in Harlem filled with the sound of horns and cheering. Strangers high-fived and hooted. A jazz duo played.

Biden will become the 46th president. Kamala Harris, the vice president-elect, will become the first woman (as well as the first Black person and the first person of Indian descent) elected to that office.

By the time Pennsylvania put Biden over the top with 279 electoral votes, the reckoning that the election held for Trump had been underway for several days, as the counting of votes proceeded in a handful of battleground states.

In an irony of Trump’s mishandling of the pandemic, two-thirds of votes cast in this election arrived by mail. Democrats disproportionately voted by mail.

Trump could have urged his supporters to vote by mail as well, but in an act of self-sabotage, the president went out of his way to denigrate absentee voting. The CNN anchor Jake Tapper noted that politicians running for reelection typically try to make voting easier for their voters to turn out.

By midweek, the weakening of Trump’s hold on power had begun to embolden other actors in the democracy. Facebook moved with speed to take down a group that protested under the hashtag #stopthesteal. Twitter masked as many as one-third of Trump’s tweets for spreading misinformation.

Fox News, Trump’s go-to network, showed what the Guardian newspaper called “an unaccustomed display of objectivity” when it declared, over protests from the White House, Biden the winner in Arizona. Editors at The New York Post, another Trump ally, reportedly told staff to toughen their coverage of him.

For his part, Biden spoke to reporters for roughly two minutes on Thursday. “Stay calm. The process is working. The count is being completed. And we’ll know very soon,” said the former vice president.

He didn’t need to say more. The voices that mattered belong to voters. They’ve spoken.

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U.S.

Note about the presidential election that I wrote on my phone before falling asleep on Nov. 4

Awoke around 2:15 a.m. Eastern to hear Trump declare that he was ahead and had won the election… he has not won anything… the counting of votes continues in states that will decide the outcome… Trump had been expected to declare victory prematurely… which is what he’s done…

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Politics

The candidates deliver their closing arguments

The closing minutes of the second and final presidential debate seemed to pack the entirety of the campaign into two minutes.

The setup came in a question from moderator Kristen Welker, who asked both President Trump and his rival Joe Biden what they would say in their inaugural address to Americans who did not vote for them.

Trump, who went first, did not answer the question. Instead he predicted that if the former vice president were elected, “you will have a depression the likes of which you’ve never seen, your 401(k)s will go to hell, and it will be a very sad day for this country.”

When his turn came, Biden said he’d choose “science over fiction,” “hope over fear,” “deal with systemic racism,” ensure that “everyone has an even chance,” and create “millions” of new jobs in clean energy. The former vice president said he would represent all Americans “whether you voted for me or against me.”

The moment marked the last chance for each candidate to deliver a closing message to a national audience; the campaign equivalent of the final minutes of a soccer match when the sides scramble furiously to score.

Trump’s argument may be one of necessity: His concealing, dismissing, mismanaging and ultimately losing control of the pandemic has left him pointing to the stock market, which in the closing days of the campaign hovers at pre-pandemic levels, as a proxy for his performance.

That someone who played a successful businessperson on TV now clings to a financial market as a political life preserver brings its own irony. To the extent stocks have held their ground, they’ve done so thanks in part to a pandemic-induced lowering of interest rates by the Federal Reserve. In another twist, the central bank’s chairman was, at least until COVID-19 arrived, a regular Trump target.

Though stocks might hold sway with some of the roughly one-third of Americans who have a 401(k) plan, there aren’t enough of them to reelect a president. Even in normal times, share prices are hardly a proxy for prosperity. And the times are anything but normal. More Americans lost their jobs in two months last spring than during the Great Depression and the recession of 2008 combined.

For his part, Biden, if you untangle the syntax, sought to unite. The economy matters there, too. The fault lines laid bare by the pandemic include widening inequality, which the pandemic threatens to accelerate without a Biden administration and its allies in Congress finding a way to rebuild a safety net that has frayed beyond repair.

In a New York Times/Siena College poll earlier this month, 91% of likely Democratic voters said they support a new $2 trillion stimulus package to extend unemployment insurance, send stimulus checks to most Americans, and provide financial support to state and local governments.

Predictably by now, the survey divided sharply on partisan lines. With one exception: The proposed stimulus also commanded support from a majority (56%) of likely Republican voters.

Whether measured in lives ended or upended, the pandemic’s toll grows by the day. The coming together that Biden is offering may be taking shape already.

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Politics U.S.

Trump is planning his post-presidency

Until Monday, the most compelling image of a failed presidency might have been Richard Nixon’s waving goodbye from the South Lawn as he left the White House for the last time as president.

Donald Trump’s removing his mask and saluting Marine One as it left that same lawn on Monday rivals it. Even for an administration defined by chaos and unpredictability, Trump’s behavior has reached a new level of bizarre.

On Tuesday, the president instructed his administration to stop negotiating with Democrats in Congress on an economic relief bill until after the election, putting at risk a pandemic-ravaged economy and causing financial markets (formerly a point of pride for Trump) to tumble.

As with most things Trump, the country has struggled to make sense. Theories abounded. Trump is experiencing mania brought on by the steroids his doctors have administered, went one. He’s making a political calculation that a stimulus package would benefit blue states, held another.

But Trump’s actions make sense for other, more Trumpian, reasons. An investigation into the president’s finances by The New York Times shows that Trump has avoided paying taxes for years. The reporting also shows that his businesses are “beset by losses” and that he has hundreds of millions of dollars in debt coming due.

Trump’s best hope for financial survival may be another reality show. “The Apprentice” brought Trump a total of $427 million, the Times found, and allowed him to inhabit the character of a billionaire character that he played all the way to the presidency. It cannot be lost on Trump that making reality TV is arguably the only business in which he has ever succeeded.

Add to that the polls, which consistently show Trump trailing his opponent, Joseph R. Biden, in most of the states and counties Trump won in 2016 and would need to carry in November to have any hope of reelection. Trump has not added to his support among any voters who did not support him four years ago, the polls show.

Taken together, circumstances give Trump every incentive to make these remaining weeks of his presidency all about him (that’s been his North Star throughout) and to stage-manage pictures, like the mask-less salute, that might work as the intro to a series.

The more conflict that Trump can sow and the more visuals he can compile, the more compelling a character he can be in the television future that awaits. America has never seen a reality TV show staring a former president, let alone one who appeals to the worst instincts of his supporters.

The White House is now the set of a TV pilot. The less likely it becomes that voters will green-light a second term, the more we can expect to see Trump chasing not votes but ratings.

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New York City

Pandemic homecoming

“Welcome back to America, do you recognize it?” a friend emailed recently, a day after I landed back in the U.S. from a seven-month stay with my partner in South Africa.

Though I can’t speak about America, I can say that the neighborhood where I live here in New York City has changed in some by-now familiar ways. Most people wear masks when they go out. Stores have made face coverings a condition of entry.

The state is encouraging everyone to download an app that sends you COVID-19 exposure alerts. Signs posted on windows and fences remind you to stand six feet apart.

KEEP THIS FAR APART

<—————————————————————>

For the past week, I’ve kept apart, mostly in my apartment, where I wait to see whether I experience any symptoms of the coronavirus. I go out for solo strolls. So far, I feel fine.

Maybe it’s me but the ambient noise — the low-level hum that courses through the city – seems a tick lower than when I left in February. Trash trucks make their rounds, though the streets seem less tidy.

The world has come some way in its understanding of the coronavirus. “I struggle to tell from the news reports how terrible contracting COVID-19 may be,” I wrote on April 1, six days into a 21-day nationwide lockdown in South Africa. “Some people seem to experience mild symptoms, others no symptoms; some people die. I hope never to find out.”

We know more now about how to stay safe. Unlike the U.S., countries that instituted strict lockdowns have bent the curve of new infections. On April 15, I wrote: “So far more than 2 million people around the world have become infected with the coronavirus. Nearly 129,000 have died.”

By now more than 34 million people around the world have become infected and more than a million have died. The virus is projected to take many more lives.

On a whim the other day, I reached for the book “Kitchen Confidential,” which I’ve owned but until now not read. Even before the pandemic, I didn’t frequent restaurants. And I don’t cook, really. Still, the book feels like a discovery.

The vibrancy of the writing aside, Anthony Bourdain’s account of kitchens – their intensity and banging (as in people kicking closed oven doors) and heat – how working in one might be the closest thing to being part of the crew of a pirate ship – makes me yearn to stand shoulder-to-shoulder (safely) with others. I rarely thought this before the pandemic, but I look forward to one day buying a beer in a crowded bar.

That’s how home feels different now. We’re socially distant.

It’s autumn in New York. The days are mild and sunny and dry. The nights clear and cool for sleeping. The nearby ocean lends its warmth. I always like the season. But this year especially, it hints at a future when the pandemic is far away.

Categories
Law

Justice loses a champion

In January 1973, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, representing the American Civil Liberties Union, appeared before the U.S. Supreme Court on behalf of Sharron Frontiero.

Four years earlier, Frontiero, then a 23-year-old lieutenant in the U.S. Air Force, married a man a year older. The Air Force automatically provided a housing allowance and health benefits for the spouses of married servicemen but not for the those of married servicewomen. To receive the same benefits as a married serviceman, a married servicewoman had to prove that her income covered more than half of her dependent’s expenses.

Frontiero set out to correct what she thought was a mistake. When the complaint didn’t dislodge the policy, she sued in the federal district court in Montgomery, Ala., charging that the policy violated the Fifth Amendment’s guarantee of due process of law. The court ruled in favor of the government. Frontiero appealed to the Supreme Court.

The appeal was among a suite of cases that Ginsburg, who died on Friday at age 87, brought to advance the equality of women. Two years earlier, she had filed a friend-of-the court brief in an appeal to the Supreme Court by Sally Reed, a single mother in Idaho whom state law had disqualified from serving as administrator of her son’s estate because she was a woman.

Ginsburg’s brief in Reed’s appeal became known as the “grandmother brief” for its comprehensiveness of argument that treating women differently than men based solely on the basis of sex was suspect and warranted the same strict scrutiny as classifications based on race. The court agreed, and in Reed v. Reed, a majority of justices struck down the Idaho statute without addressing the level of scrutiny that should guide judicial review of such cases in the future.

That task fell to Ginsburg two years later in Frontiero. In oral argument before the court, Ginsburg, as she had in Reed, urged the justices to view distinctions based on sex no differently than distinctions based on race; that such distinctions are immediately suspect. Ginsburg took aim at two arguments cited by opponents of treating curtailment based solely on sex as a suspect criterion: First, that women are a majority, and, second, classifying women by sex does not imply the inferiority of women.[1]

“With respect to the numbers argument, the numerical majority was denied even the right to vote until 1920,” Ginsburg said, adding that “surely, no one would suggest that race is not a suspect criterion in the District of Columbia, because the Black population here outnumbers the white.”[2] Far from not implying inferiority, classifying people based on sex keeps “a woman in her place, a place inferior to that occupied by men in our society,” she added.

In a plurality opinion by Justice William Brennan, the court agreed with Frontiero that the disparity between men and women in the dependents policy was unconstitutional. But a majority of the court could not agree to apply the same standard to sex discrimination as it did to race discrimination.

Following the ruling, Ginsburg, who in the 1970s directed the ACLU’s Women’s Law Project, set out to persuade the court to adopt an intermediate scrutiny for sex discrimination cases. As the facts in Frontiero suggest, Ginsburg also had the insight to find cases whose facts had the power to rewire how people (including judges) might think about sex discrimination.

She found one such case that came before the court three years later. The appeal by Curtis Craig centered on an Oklahoma law that barred the sale of so-called 3.2% beer to males under the age of 21 and to females under the age of 18. The law, argued Ginsburg, denied males 18 to 20 years of age equal protection of the law.

A majority of the court agreed and, in Craig v. Boren, enshrined mid-level scrutiny as the standard of review in sex discrimination cases. Though the intermediate standard fell short of the strict scrutiny the court applied to distinctions based on race, distinctions based on sex had, thanks to Ginsburg, earned a standard of review that marked them as plainly discriminatory.

As Wendy Williams, an emeritus professor of law at Georgetown and Ginsburg’s authorized biographer, noted in 2013, Ginsburg “tweaked the Craig standard upward, bringing it closer to the race standard” 20 years later when, as a member of the court, Justice Ginsburg wrote for the majority in U.S. v. Virginia, which held that the Virginia Military Institute’s practice of admitting males only violated the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause.

Virginia’s justification for excluding all women from “citizen soldier” training for which some are qualified does not rank as “exceedingly persuasive” Justice Ginsburg wrote. (To appreciate the tweak, compare it with intermediate scrutiny, which requires laws that distinguish between people based on sex to be substantially related to an important government purpose.)

On Saturday evening, mourners were expected to hold a vigil for Ginsburg in cities across the U.S. “I think that I can speak for most women that we are devastated by her passing,” Saima Assed, an organizer in Albuquerque who helped to organize a vigil there, told the Times. “We know we lost a champion.”

 

 

 

[1] “Neither legislators nor judges regarded gender lines as ‘back of the bus’ regulations,” she later wrote of the second point. “Rather, these rules were said to place women on a pedestal.” In short, that discrimination somehow venerated women.

[2] Ginsburg noted that equal protection and due process of law “apply to the majority as well as to the minorities.”