Year: 2014

  • Discovery against GM in ignition switch lawsuit can proceed, court rules

    The refusal by a Georgia judge to dismiss a wrongful death lawsuit against General Motors means that discovery can proceed in the case of a 29-year-old woman who died as a result of the deadly ignition switch that led the company to recall 2.6 million of its cars.

    On Saturday the judge ordered the automaker to start turning over documents by September 26 to lawyers for Kenneth and Mary Melton, whose daughter Brooke died in 2010 after the ignition switch on her 2010 Chevrolet Cobalt failed.

    The Meltons settled their lawsuit for $5 million last year but in May announced that they would return the money, charging that the company fraudulently hid information.

    Lance Cooper, a lawyer for the Meltons, told the Times that he wants to depose Michael Millikin, GM’s general counsel, as well as other employees of both GM and Delphi, which manufactured the ignition switch.

    GM expressed disappointment in the court’s ruling. “We continue to believe that the parties reached a good-faith settlement last year,” spokesman Greg Martin told the Times.

    After the family renounced the settlement and sued GM again, the company had the case removed to federal court in an attempt to combine the lawsuit with other litigation that it could stay under an order that governs GM’s 2009 bankruptcy.

    The Meltons won an important procedural victory in July, when a federal judge remanded the case to the state court in Cobb County, just north of Atlanta.

  • Line ’em up

    Forty years ago today, Richard Nixon resigned the presidency and Gerald Ford was sworn in to succeed him. Tom DeFrank, a reporter who covered both Nixon and Ford extensively, writes in The Atlantic about what it was like to report on Watergate in the five days that culminated in Nixon’s resignation.

    Like millions of people, I watched via TV as Nixon lifted off from the White House aboard Marine One. My vantage point was the living room floor of an apartment in Pittsburgh’s Squirrel Hill section that belonged to my aunt and uncle and cousin. I don’t remember whether they had a black-and-white or color TV, but I do recall that an air conditioner occupied one window in the room.

    My 11-year-old mind grasped that something had happened that mattered in the scope of American history. I suppose that was why I watched, as opposed to reading a book or playing outside, which is how I spent most summer days.

    During the run-up to Nixon’s resignation my father had watched the evening news, which was filled with reports of a president in trouble and a nation in crisis. “He could give an illegal order,” I recall someone on television saying. That is, the president could go rogue. I did not comprehend fully that, in many ways, he had already.

    My aunt, a native of the Bronx who moved to Pittsburgh when she married, gave me a snack, maybe ice cream or cherries. Something nice that seemed like summertime.

    Still, being in the city felt confining. It afforded fewer places to play than our house in a small-town subdivision, about 30 miles away. The city has parks, of course, but going to the park required intention and the company of an adult. My 9-year-old sister and I lacked the know-how to navigate the city on our own.

    So there I sat, watching a constitutional crisis resolve.

    Ahead to 1997, when I first heard “Line ‘Em Up,” a song by James Taylor about Nixon’s farewell to the White House staff. I listened to it repeatedly  while driving from Chicago to Milwaukee to Madison to Minneapolis to Fargo.

    The song now reminds me of the upper Midwest, of being 11, and of an apartment in the city on an August day.

  • From the headlines, a reminder that murder has no statute of limitations

    The news that the death of James Brady was ultimately caused by the 1981 shooting that left him permanently paralyzed reminds us that murder has no statute of limitations.

    According to reports on Friday, a medical examiner in Northern Virginia has determined that gunfire that hit the former White House press secretary during an assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan led to Brady’s death.

    A spokesman for the U.S. Attorney’s office in Washington told Bloomberg that prosecutors are reviewing the coroner’s ruling, which could lead to homicide charges against Brady’s assailant, John Hinckley, Jr., 33 years after the shooting that also injured the president, a police officer and a Secret Service agent.

    Under most modern statutes, to be guilty of murder a defendant must cause another person’s death, which can occur at any time. That differs from the common law, which held that death had to occur within a year-and-a-day of the homicidal act.

    Hinckley, now 59, was found not guilty by reason of insanity of charges tied to the shooting, including attempted assassination of the president and assault on a federal officer.

    “There is probably a basis to charge him,” Thomas Zeno, a former federal prosecutor, told Bloomberg. Zeno spent nearly 20 years opposing Hinckley’s attempts to win more privileges at Saint Elizabeths Hospital in Washington, where he has been held since the jury verdict.

    Hinckley’s lawyer, Barry Wm. Levine, rejected the idea that prosecutor’s could charge his client. “It’s not very complicated,” said Levine. “The act was prosecuted and he was found not guilty by reason of insanity. The only difference between what was charged then and this conclusion is that Mr. Brady died.”

  • Detroit-area man who shot woman on his porch convicted of murder

    A Detroit-area jury has convicted a man of murdering a young woman who banged on his door early one morning last November, in a case that tested limits on the use of deadly force to defend a dwelling.

    Theodore Wafer, 55, was found guilty on Thursday of second-degree murder, manslaughter and a felony-firearm charge in the murder of Renisha McBride, 19, according to news reports.

    Under Michigan law, second-degree murder is an intentional killing that does not qualify as first-degree murder.

    Wafer, who faces life in prison, testified that he killed McBride in self-defense after she pounded on his front and side doors at about 4:30 a.m. He claimed that he reached for his shotgun and later fired through the locked screen door because he feared that someone was trying to break into his suburban Detroit home.

    McBride, who toxicology tests showed was intoxicated at the time of her death, had been involved in an automobile accident earlier that morning.

    The killing raised racial tensions in Detroit. Wafer is white. McBride was black.

    Prosecutors said Wafer’s self-defense claim was contravened by his failure to call 911 when he first heard the pounding. He testified at trial that he did not even look to see who was outside before firing.

    Under Michigan law, a person may use deadly force only if he reasonably believes that it is necessary to prevent imminent death or serious bodily harm, the Times reported. However, there is no requirement that a person retreat inside his home.

    By contrast, New York requires that a person retreat from his doorway before using lethal force.

  • Detroit murder trial tests limits of self-defense

    A jury in a suburban Detroit murder trial is weighing a man’s use of deadly force that he claims was justified.

    Prosecutors hope to have persuaded jurors that Theodore Wafer, a 55-year-old homeowner in Dearborn Heights, Mich., murdered Renisha McBride, 24, when he shot and killed McBride while she stood at his front door early one morning last November.

    Prosecutors charged Wafer with second-degree murder and manslaughter. Under Michigan law, there is no duty to retreat in your own home, according to news reports. But the jury is confronting a more complex question.

    Wafer, who testified that he shot McBride through the locked screen door, says he had justification to use deadly force. He testified that he “shot in fear,” but did not shoot at a particular target, and that he fired his shotgun after he woke to the sound of someone banging on his door, according to news reports. Wafer did not call 911.

    McBride’s knocking “kept getting louder and louder,” according to Wafer, who testified that he noticed the screen door was tampered with and that he saw a figure emerge from the side of the house. McBride, who was shot in the face, had crashed her car earlier that night about a half-mile from Wafer’s house. At the time of her death her blood-alcohol level was twice the legal limit. Wafer is white. McBride was African-American.

    In a majority of states, a person may use deadly force to protect his dwelling only if he reasonably believes he is threatened or to prevent a felony inside.

    Prosecutors in Wafer’s case argued that a person who claims self-defense must reasonably believe that he is in imminent danger of either losing his life or suffering great bodily harm, and that the use of deadly force is necessary to prevent that harm. Wafer does not satisfy that test, prosecutors charged.

    Here in New York, a person must retreat before using deadly force unless the person is in his own home. Even there, a person has a duty to retreat from his doorway.

    Based on the testimony presented at trial, Wafer’s claim that he feared for his safety seems to be undermined by his failure to give ground or to call the cops. It sounds like he had less deadly options.

    The case belongs to the jury, which deliberated Wednesday afternoon without reaching a verdict. There are four black jurors and eight white jurors, ABC News reported.

  • The Times looks at the legal academy in a digital age

    The Times on Sunday published two stories about the law that juxtapose a tension that tugs at legal education in the current economy.

    The first story looks at how a weak market for legal hiring is inspiring some educators to think anew about training the latest generation of lawyers. The second, a Q&A, has two professors answering real-life questions about the law.

    For the story, the Times traveled to the Entrepreneurial Lawyering Startup Competition, a program sponsored by Michigan State University’s law school that aims to spur students to think of themselves as entrepreneurs. The competition, part of the university’s so-called Reinvent Law Laboratory, aims to equip them to navigate a legal marketplace that, like most marketplaces, is being upended by technology. Pitches presented at the competition include a service to help people claim property and another to help immigrants file their taxes.

    The school sees the program as part of an effort to give students an assist in a job market that remains gloomy. Daniel Martin Katz, an associate professor and a founder of the laboratory, described the goal as helping students develop knowledge of the law and a broader set of abilities. “Analytics plus law gets you into a niche,” Katz told the Times.

    Other schools reportedly are blazing similar paths. The University of Colorado law school runs a four-week summer camp to equip students with training in such tools as Adobe and NetApp. Northwestern University Law School is using faculty members with experience in technology and business to teach in what Daniel Rodriguez, the dean, describes as “the law/business/technology” interface.

    The efforts by law schools, especially those outside the top tier, to give students a leg up is understandable. The number of law school applicants dropped this year for the fourth year in a row and is down more than 37% since 2010, according to figures compiled by the National Law Journal. The academic institutions need some way to differentiate themselves in the competition for applicants.

    The second piece features six questions about the law drawn from everyday life, with answers provided by Alan Dershowitz, professor emeritus at Harvard Law School, and Susan Crawford, a professor at the Cardozo School of Law.

    The first question, from Dershowitz, reportedly comes directly from his classroom.

    Attorney Goodheart is asked by Badact to represent him. Badact asks for and receives a promise of confidentiality, then tells Goodheart that he committed a murder for which another man has been convicted and is awaiting execution. Can Goodheart break his promise to save the life of a stranger but at the possible cost of his own client’s life?

    The short answer is yes. Law students learn that a lawyer may not reveal confidential information that she receives from her client, except in limited circumstances, which include to prevent reasonably certain death or substantial bodily harm. But Dershowitz goes on to highlight the difficulty that legal education trains lawyers to confront:

    There is still considerable controversy over what “reasonably certain” and “substantial bodily harm” mean. What if the innocent person is serving life imprisonment? Ten years? Five years? Another difficult question: Should a lawyer now advise his client that disclosure is permitted in certain circumstances? If so, will the client tell him the truth? There are no easy answers.

    There are no easy answers. The combination of an issue, a rule and its application comprises the core of legal training and, it seems, the essential learning of a lawyer. Lawyers learn a way of thinking that, while sometimes maddening to non-lawyers, distinguishes the profession. Legal thinking also separates law school from business school, where managers deconstruct case studies of business problems in an effort to boost profits at the company the case profiles.

    While both methods tie to the world of modern business, they represent different ways of thinking about the world. That’s why I wonder whether add-ons to the law school curriculum make sense. What makes a lawyer valuable is his or her ability to identify legal issues, know the law and apply that law effectively on behalf of a client. Find yourself in need of a lawyer – whether to defend you in court, to draw up your will or to handle your divorce – and my guess is that you’ll value those skills above all.

    That’s to say that we value the skills that law schools have taught for years and that the practice of law reinforces. Adobe’s system for managing documents may change or the cloud at NetApp may expand, but the legal method is the legal method. It evolves but it remains basically what it was for the past 600 years. Business tends to profit from the future, if for no other reason than that’s where opportunity lies. The law has no comparable currency.

    In attempting to advance its approach, Michigan State’s law school touches on the tension. “Legal education has been stronger on tradition than innovation,” Joan Howarth, the school’s dean, told the Times. “What we’re trying to do is to educate lawyers for the future, not the past.” Law schools will do their best to conceive legal education for a digital age. As for the merits of that strategy, as with many things legal, we’ll have to await the verdict.

  • House GOPers vote to sue President Obama, but legal hurdles await

    The House of Representatives is not letting a lack of legal authority stand in the way of handing President Obama a political setback.

    On July 30, the House voted to file a federal lawsuit against the president for allegedly exceeding the bounds of his constitutional power.

    The resolution authorizes the House to “initiate litigation for actions by the President or other executive branch officials inconsistent with their duties under the Constitution of the United States.”

    In a report that accompanied the vote, the Republican members of the House Rules Committee accuse the president of “executive overreach” in a series of policy areas, including the administration’s implementation of the Affordable Care Act, the president’s transfer of five prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay to the Taliban in return for the handover of Army Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl, and the administration’s ordering the Department of Homeland Security to defer action on deportation of certain children who enter the U.S. illegally.

    The resolution passed by a vote of 225-201, with no Democrats voting for the measure and five Republicans voting against it.

    Though one can debate the political motives of the resolution’s proponents, they likely will be unable to satisfy the prerequisites for filing a lawsuit in federal court.

    The Supreme Court has ruled that members of Congress lack standing, which requires parties who seek to file a lawsuit in federal court to show that they have suffered a concrete injury. In that case, the court held that six members of Congress lacked a basis for alleging in a federal lawsuit that the law authorizing the line-item veto was unconstitutional. Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811 (1997).

    In Raines, the  court based its decision on a finding that the members of Congress did not have a sufficient personal stake in the dispute to file suit, and that other avenues for challenging the law existed. As Chief Justice William Rehnquist wrote for the majority,

    We also note that our conclusion neither deprives Members of Congress of an adequate remedy (since they may repeal the Act or exempt appropriations bills from its reach), nor forecloses the Act from constitutional challenge (by someone who suffers judicially cognizable injury as a result of the Act).

    In the resolution that passed the House on July 30, the resolution’s proponents acknowledge the problem that a lack of standing presents. However, the majority leans on an analysis by several law processors, including Elizabeth Price Foley, a professor at Florida International University School of Law.

    According to the majority, in Professor Foley’s analysis of the case law:

    The House would have Article III standing if it (a) were acting as an institution rather than a small group of aggrieved members and (b) if it suffered an institutional injury in the sense that the President’s executive action caused Congress’ vote on a particular issue to be `nullified.’ In addition, Professor Foley stated that the courts will likely analyze whether `prudential factors’ bolster or weaken the case for granting congressional standing. These factors include: (a) whether the institution has explicit authorization to bring the lawsuit; (b) whether there has been a `benevolent suspension’ of law in which no private plaintiff has been harmed and in which case only Congress would have standing; and (c) whether the legislature has exhausted its legislative remedies against the executive.

    Many experts disagree. Tara Grove, a law professor at William and Mary, told the Wall Street Journal, that she “would be very surprised” if the court grants standing. “We’re in uncharted waters, and I think any judicial court would want to avoid weighing in,” said Grove.

    Thomas Mann, a congressional scholar at the Brookings Institution. noted that because the House isn’t actually harmed, a federal judge would be inclined to toss out the lawsuit. “I don’t see how [House Speaker John] Boehner, authorized by a vote of the House, could possibly get standing as an injured party under the court’s cases and controversies jurisdiction,” Mann told the Scripps Howard Foundation.

    House Democrats forced a series of votes on related resolutions that opponents of the resolution hope will underscore what they charge is the partisan nature of the suit. The votes, which the Rules Committee defeated along party lines, would have required, among other things, the House’s general counsel to disclose how much is spent on the lawsuit each week, to prevent the hiring of any law firm that lobbies on implementation of the Affordable Care Act, and to require the House’s lawyers to explain the likelihood of success in the lawsuit or how they think they will overcome the legal obstacles presented by Supreme Court precedent.

    For his part, President Obama, a former constitutional law scholar, dismissed the resolution as “a political stunt.”

    “Every vote they’re taking like that means a vote they’re not taking to actually help you,” the president told an audience in Kansas City, Missouri. He went on to urge Republicans to “stop just hating all the time.”

     

     

     

     

  • Butler Library, July 28

    The view from my chair in Butler Library on Monday, July 28, a day before the New York bar exam.library

  • You know the bar exam is nine days away when…

    I’m walking through Central Park and all I can think about is that if one of those branches falls and hurts someone that person will have one year and 90 days to sue the city, according to the statute of limitations.20140720-124958-46198826.jpg